Google+ Followers


Monday, October 9, 2017

inner impressions of Prakash Bal Joshi: BJP CPM clash in the land of God

BJP CPM clash in the land of God

BJP, CPM locked in war of words over political violence in Kerala

Saturday, October 07, 2017
Sitaram Yechury, Prakash Karat in power struggle to gain control of the CPM

Kerala has become another flash point of clashes between Bharatiya Janata Party and left parties ruling the southern state known as God’s own country. The BJP has accused the left parties in Kerala of playing the violence card to terrorise people to keep them under the left influence.

As a part of larger strategy, the BJP pushed in Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath in Kerala to lambast the CPM government in Kerala for pursuing a policy of political killings against its rivals. For a parliamentary democracy to survive and strengthen, no political party can support violence on political grounds. Unfortunately, political violence in Kerala and other parts of the country has increased in recent times.

The CPM which lost West Bengal to Mamata Banerjee’s Trinamul Congress is itself facing lots of organisational troubles due to the power struggle between Sitaram Yechury and Prakash Karat. The party is divided into two groups one led by Sitaram Yechury seeking tie up with secular parties led by the Congress while Prakash Karat and Kerala unit oppose the move. The debate is on within the party over  the next political move to remain relevant in the electoral battle during the run up to the 2019 general elections for the Lok Sabha.

CPM facing heat from BJP
The CPM is facing heat from the BJP which has been engaged in heated debate over political violence blaming the left parties for giving legitimacy to violence in day-today politics in left ruled states. The BJP   has launched a spirited campaign against the CPM government for creating trouble and supporting the violence by CPM cadre against the RSS activists in the Kerala.  BJP president Amit Shah who launched his rally from Payyanur, a Left stronghold and the chief minister's home district alleged that Kerala chief minister Vijayan had "blood on his hands." The BJP has been blaming CPM for violence in the state resulting in deaths of 120 RSS workers in the state since 2001.   The BJP has declared a list of RSS workers who had been killed during CPM regime in the state. Union minister Prakash Javadekar has announced a plan of sending all important BJP functionaries to Kerala to focus on left-wing violence and its fight against communist ideology.

The CPM hit back with vengeance saying, "Amit Shah is trying to create riots in Kerala by raising non-issues like violence against RSS cadres. The Padayatra is aimed towards  deliberately inciting violence against CPM leaders. The CPM tweeted,” Kerala government will resist any attempt to spread terrorism in the state in the name of any religion."

Amit Shah has started the debate over rate of political violence in Kerala by undertaking the Janaraksha Yatra. He asserted that there is no scope for political violence in a democracy, criticising the CPM state government for failure to provide safety and security to the life and property of people. His observation proved hard hitting against the chief minister when pointed out that the highest incidence of political violence is in the Kerala chief minister’s home town which reported killings of 14 RSS workers.

Perhaps, Adityanath is first UP chief minister who has become a BJP mascot in trouble torn Kerala. His yatra also received good response where he lashed out against the Kerala government asking it act strictly against the ‘love jihad’ describing it as a “serious development” in Kerala and Karnataka.   Amit Shah’s   Janaraksha Yatra’s theme was “Against Jihadi and Red Terror”. 

Though the CPM is still discussing whether to join hands with the Congress for its fight against the saffron forces in the country, former Congress chief minister Oommen Chandy supported the CPM campaign against the BJP yatras saying that Amit Shah and the RSS are attacking Kerala government based on some isolated incidents. He asserted that Kerala is against all divisive forces and there will be a united front of all parties to defend the pride of the Kerala state.

 The fight in Kerala is having reverberations in Delhi with both the parties discussing it in national capital making it more important issue. No doubt political violence by political parties is an issue which is not simple due to its ramification. It cannot be equated on par with violence by terrorists’ outfits but none the less, it has to be fought with all the strength all these parties have since it hits at the very base of the parliamentary democratic system of governance. If attacking each other becomes a routine and part of political culture, then it will not end with an end of a regime as it will continue further.

There is no end to the war of words between the CPM and RSS-BJP leaders accusing each other of inciting violent political clashes and spreading disharmony. Kerala is being singled out to make their point.

Both the parties are accusing each other of starting culture of violence in Kerala by attacking party workers. The BJP has been organising rallies and meetings of its senior central leaders during last couple of months to boost the morale of the party workers who are facing attacks from CPM cadre. 
In September, RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat alleged that the governments of West Bengal and Kerala are sheltering jihadi elements which are creating violence in these states. He wanted the state governments to take action against these anti-national elements to protect common citizens and their properties.

CM Vijayan attacks RSS chief Bhagwat
Kerala Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan attacked RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat, saying that Keralites did not need any advice on nationalism from those who did not participate in the freedom struggle. He lamented that the RSS considers religious minorities as internal threat to the stability of the country.
Javadekar given a new dimension to the debate between the CPM and the BJP saying that the CPM now does not stand for Marxist but it has become Maoist and using violence as a political tool. Kerala CM has condemned Javadekar’s statement saying it was irresponsible to call it Maoist when the CPM government had come to power through proper democratic procedure. There is no end to statistics being produced by the CPM as well as the BJP to paint other as more aggressive party indulging in violence. According to CPM factsheet, since 2000 to 2017, Kerala police figures show that 85 CPM workers and 65 RSS workers were killed. The very first day of the electoral victory of LDF in Kerala, murder of CPI(M) worker Ravindranath took place while he was participating in the victory procession of CM Vijayan in his home constituency.

There seems to be no end to the ongoing war of words between the CPM and the BJP. Both accuse each other of provoking violence and killing each other’s active workers. The atmosphere is quite surcharged with the expectations of a close fight in coming elections. Much will actually depend on what stand the CPM takes ultimately over having a pre-poll alliance with secular parties. Basically, it revolves round the Congress Party and the left party has to decide whether to join the secular front being envisaged by the Congress or chart out its own course. That is real fight between two CPM stalwarts Sitaram Yechury and PrakashKarat.

If they decide to join hands with the Congress to bring in more unity among anti-BJP front, then it will be difficult for the BJP in Kerala. Otherwise, division of secular votes will pave way for the BJP to create strong base in Kerala.

Saturday, June 24, 2017

Kovind set to become next President

  Kovind set to become next President

Kovind all set to become next President

Saturday, June 24, 2017
By Prakash Bal Joshi
Low profile Ram Nath Kovind, fielded by the BJP led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) for the Presidential poll is all set to become next President of India unless something goes terribly wrong with the NDA’s calculations.

An astute Ambedkarite, Kovind will have to protect the Constitution of India written by Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar at crucial junctures. Though the post as such is a titular head of the Republic but presidential elections always create interests among political parties as well as common people who want to know who is going to be their next President. The makers of the Constitution have taken care to ensure that there is no direct clash of interests between the President and the Prime Minister since PM is the executive head. Since the President is elected indirectly by the elected representatives of the Parliament as well as the state legislative assemblies his duties are predetermined and remains within confines of demarcation made by the provisions of the Constitution.  and all decisions taken by the cabinet are binding on the President to approve.

The fact is that the president has independent powers to act when inviting a party to form a new government immediately after the general elections. The task becomes difficult and complicated when there is fractured mandate and no single party or pre-election alliance secures clear cut majority. Though this discussion might sound little bit pre-mature since the general elections are scheduled in 2019 when the new president will have to use his or her discretion if voters give fractured mandate. This aspect though not discussed in public domain was uppermost in the minds of the BJP as well as the Congress led opposition.

Apart from other aspects and merits while selecting the candidate for the presidential poll, this aspect was dominant while making a final choice of the candidate. The opposition led by the Congress was keen on using this opportunity to forge anti-BJP front and start a political process of consolidation of opposition votes for the 2019 general elections. The ruling BJP was aware of the danger of such a vertical split and used the process of selection of candidate to divide opposition and thwart the emergence of larger alliance against the NDA.

While going through the motions for arriving at a consensus on the candidate avoiding presidential poll, the BJP floor managers were busy finalising its candidate and strategy. The left parties had warned in the beginning itself that they would not entertain any Hindutva hardliner as a presidential candidate.

The BJP surprised everybody by nominating Kovind for the presidential poll especially those who were expecting some senior BJP leader perhaps a minister with RSS background. Kovind though two-time MP and governor of Bihar has been connected with the BJP is a sober person not known to make any controversial statements or hold some extremist views.

Though it is unfortunate that Kovind’s caste came to fore in the following discussion as all sorts of observations were made by players in the field. Apart from candidate’s merits and abilities to handle crucial situations, caste became the main issue for discussions. Prime Minister Narendra Modi killed two birds with one stone – the decision was aimed at subsiding the BJP’s image as a party of upper caste and by nominating a Dalit leader – he created confusion and a rift among opposition parties to foil efforts to forge a grand alliance against the BJP. The discussion once again made it clear that all vote calculations for elections move around caste combinations. It is unfortunate but caste bias become dominant whenever there is any discussion about any sort of election.

Bihar chief minister Nitish Kumar was the first to visit Kovind in Rajbhavan in Patna and offered personal congratulations to Kovind and expressed satisfaction over his conduct as a constitutional head in the state. The way he expressed his views made it clear that for presidential poll he may have different perspective and support Kovind without waiting for the Congress led opposition choice of a candidate. Mayawati also made it clear that she would support Kovind, if the opposition has candidate from some other caste or religion. So, it became obvious for the opposition to select a Dalit candidate to fight BJP’s Dalit candidate. The Congress considered several names including Sushil Kumar Shinde from Maharashtra and finally settled on former Lok Sabha speaker Meira Kumar, daughter of late Babu Jagjivan Ram. While she has political legacy of her father, Kovind is a first-generation politician working for rights of supressed and believes in BJP’s saffron ideology.

By fielding Meira Kumar, the Congress has tried to have its hold on other camp supporters. Lalu Prasad Yadav has made a public appeal to Nitish Kumar to reconsider his decision to support Kovind in view of opposition candidate Meira Kumar who is more experienced with a distinguished career. What is becoming obvious is the fact that those regional groups which are enjoying power in their respective states are siding with the BJP choice of candidates while those without power are with the Congress and the left parties.

The BJP has also taken a very shrewd step in selecting Kovind as presidential candidate to correct its social engineering. Despite several steps taken by Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s government to win over Dalits across the country, the relationship with Dalits have been deteriorating during last couple of years.
Several issues including suicide by University of Hyderabad scholar Rohit Vemula, created a pan Indian reaction. Attacks on Dalits by cow vigilantes in Gujarat and elsewhere have also affected the BJP image. Taking all these developments into consideration, the BJP decided to filed Kovind as presidential candidate.
The party hopes that the selection of Kovind will help it to further spread its slogan “sabka sath sabka vikas”. Dalit rights activist Kancha Ilaiah feels that it may be a token gesture by the BJP to nominate Kovind, but it is welcome at a time when Dalits are facing attacks and harassments.  One hopes that Kovind entering Rashtrapati Bhavan will create more tolerating attitude in  society towards oppressed classes in society. If it happens then it will be a most welcome development and choice of Kovind will not remain mere tokenism. The BJP was always criticised for being a party of upper caste where oppressed classes and castes were only symbolic unlike the Congress which gave president and speaker from Dalit community. The support of Dalits being crucial for any elections, the party has finally accorded recognition by nominating Kovind for the top Constitutional post in the country.

The BJP led NDA will get an opportunity to use the election to harp on its social engineering experiment in giving candidature of Kovind ignoring so many aspirants from the BJP camp. The Congress as well as communist parties and other non-BJP parties will also organise whirlwind tour of the country for Meira Kumar to not only showcase her accomplishments and legal acumen but also make a political statement attacking the BJP and its policies.

The regional political parties which does not have much say in the process of electing a president will also join the bandwagon. The Shiv Sena which was reluctant to support the BJP candidate initially has finally decided to vote for Kovind saying that like most of the Shiv Sena leaders he is also a first-generation politician who does not depend on political legacy. The outcome of the fight is almost a foregone conclusion.

Tuesday, September 27, 2016

Beyond the lull
The Maratha community’s discontent is fuelled by socio-economic and political factors
Prakash Bal Joshi
Maharashtra is witnessing huge silent processions by the dominant Maratha community in major cities, which have created ripples in political circles. What has surprised many is the fact that no known political leader or organisation is leading these marches in which women and girls are participating in large numbers.
The immediate provocation for these silent morchas is a brutal rape in Kopardi in western Maharashtra. That the victim belongs to the Maratha community while the alleged rapists are from the lower caste has provoked such shows of strength. These processions demand stern action against the aggressors who belong to the Dalit community. There are two other major demands by those who have taken to the streets — reservations for the Maratha community in jobs and education and scrapping of the Schedule Castes and Schedule Tribes (prevention of atrocities) Act 1989, which they feel is being misused.
As a result of 200-year-old social reforms in Maharashtra, caste is not such a dominant factor in power politics in the state as is evident in Northern states of UP and Bihar. However, it remained as a strong undercurrent since the state was carved out in the early 1960s. The Marathas, a warrior-agricultural caste, have been ruling the state for four decades ever since the modern state of Maharashtra came into being. The community with the help of a huge network of cooperatives managed to dominate the rural economy as well as maintain control of political power by aligning with the Congress Party which was at the helm of affairs in Delhi as well as in the state. It was possible for the community to maintain its grip over the levers of power in the state by aligning with other castes through an all-inclusive policy, popularly known as “berjeche rajkaran” adopted by the first Chief Minister YB Chavan.
Over the years, the gap between the few politically connected families and others in the agrarian community has been widening, thus creating an imbalance. Declining returns from farm produce, threat to the cooperative sector due to changed economic policies in the post-globalisation era and a lucrative service sector from which they haven’t benefitted in the least, have led to frustrations within the community. Majority of the Maratha community are marginal farmers, forced to penury and suicides due to the changed economic situation in rural Maharashtra. The demand for reservation had been pushed in the last decade during the Congress-led Progressive Democratic Front government despite many legal and constitutional hurdles.
Mere demands for reservations for Marathas may not have evoked such a massive response. The demand for stern action against the alleged Kopardi rapists added emotional fervour to the call given for silent processions by the Maratha community.
Apart from the immediate triggers for such silent processions, there are other socio-political factors, which have contributed to the community’s woes. What has perturbed the elite is the fact that Maratha domination in power politics has been weakening since 1995. It coincides with the fall of the Congress Party which began after communal riots in post-Babri Masjid demotion period. The process is virtually complete with the decimation of the Congress as well as the Sharad Pawar-led Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) in 2014 state assembly elections.
Barring the beneficiaries of political power in the Maratha community, a huge number of Marathas who remained marginalised economically, if not socially, shifted their loyalties from the Congress and voted for the BJP and the Shiv Sena in a big way. The defeat of the Congress and the NCP was more hurting for the community as the BJP emerged as the single largest party and appointed Devendra Fadnavis the chief minister. For the Maratha community, which kept its dominant role intact for four decades through the Congress, this development was quite unexpected. The community had always used anti-Brahmanism as a subtext to securing power since the stance helped them garner support from Other Backward Castes in the state.
The way Fadnavis government is cracking down on corruption in the cooperative banks, sugar factories and marketing committees to lessen the Congress stranglehold over these institutions, has hurt the interests of Maratha leaders leading these cooperatives. The actions against these institutions coupled with investigations into alleged corruption charges levelled against corrupt leaders have created simmering discontent. All these leaders who lost power in 2014 elections are silently supporting the movement.
For the Congress, the loss of power in Maharashtra is all the more hurting since the state had always stood behind it despite the anti-Congress waves in the North witnessed in 1967 and later in 1989. The political fragmentation due to splits in the Congress Party did not affect Maratha dominance much as they deftly manoeuvred their way forward. The vote share of the Congress has steadily declined from 31 per cent in 19195 to 18 per cent in 2014 and the NCP, which came into existence in 1999, also followed the same downward trend. The Congress Party now sees a window of opportunity to win back the support of the Maratha community by using these silent uprisings. But it is not an easy proposition, as Maratha strongman Sharad Pawar is also waiting in the wings.
These massive shows of strength by the dominant community in Maharashtra is also being closely monitored by the BJP headquarters in Delhi as they have already burnt their fingers in the Jat and Patidar agitations, both politically dominant communities. Though Brahmins in the state have been totally marginalised over the years in power politics, anti-Brahmanism has always been instrumental in getting OBC support for the Maratha leadership.
The marginal farmers in the community have suffered because the established Maratha leaders have shifted base from rural to urban centres to enter the lucrative real-estate sector in a big way. The leadership is no more effective in protecting the community’s agrarian interests. These massive morchas are seen as efforts by established leaders to use emotive issues like reservations and the atrocities act to keep the community united. The anger in the Maratha community against a popular Marathi film Sairat, which shows a love affair between a Maratha girl and a non-Maratha youth leading to honour killing, is also being subtly used to arouse Maratha pride.
It is neither easy to predict what turns and twists Maratha politics will take in the near future nor easy to foresee who will benefit from this peaceful movement.
The writer is columnist, author and artist

Published Date:  Sep 27, 2016  DNA